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/rps/ - Religion, Philosophy & Spirituality
The aryan man is superior culturally, they are the founders of civilization Sieg Heil
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<blockquote data-quote="Naofumi" data-source="post: 47486" data-attributes="member: 39"><p>magine any other form of government. In light of my attitude towards the</p><p>House of Habsburg, I would then have thought it a crime against liberty</p><p>and reason to consider any kind of dictatorship as a possible form of</p><p>government.</p><p>I had a certain admiration for the British Parliament, and this</p><p>contributed to the formation of my opinion. This feeling came almost</p><p>unconsciously, much of it while reading the newspapers when I was young.</p><p>I couldn't discard that admiration in an instant. The dignified way in which</p><p>the British House of Commons fulfilled its function impressed me greatly,</p><p>thanks largely to the glowing terms used by the Austrian press. Could there</p><p>could be any nobler form of government than self-government by the</p><p>people?</p><p>But these considerations furnished the very basis of my hostility to the</p><p>Austrian Parliament. The way it was represented here seemed unworthy of</p><p>its great example. The following thoughts also influenced my attitude:</p><p>The fate of the Germans in the Austrian State depended on their</p><p>position in the Reichsrat. Prior to the introduction of universal suffrage by</p><p>secret ballot, the Germans had a majority in the Reichsrat-though not a</p><p>very substantial one. This was a cause for concern because the Social</p><p>Democratic faction of the German majority was unreliable regarding</p><p>national questions. In matters of critical concern to the Germans, the Social</p><p>Democrats always took an anti-German stand because they were afraid of</p><p>losing support among the other national groups. Even before universal</p><p>suffrage, the Social-Democratic Party could no longer be considered a</p><p>German Party. Universal suffrage put an end even to the purely numerical</p><p>dominance of the German element. The way was now clear for the further</p><p>de-Germanization of the state.</p><p>My nationalist instinct of self-preservation made it impossible for me</p><p>to welcome a system in which the German element was not really</p><p>represented as such, but always betrayed by the Social-Democratic faction.</p><p>Yet all these defects, and many others, could not be attributed to the</p><p>parliamentary system as such, but rather to the Austrian State in particular.</p><p>I still believed that if the German majority could be restored in the</p><p>representative body, there would be no occasion to oppose such a system</p><p>as long as the old Austrian State continued to exist.</p><p>Such was my general attitude at the time when I first entered those</p><p>sacred and contentious halls. For me, they were sacred only because of the</p><p>radiant beauty of that majestic building. A Greek wonder on German soil.</p><p>But I soon became enraged by the hideous spectacle that met my eyes!</p><p>1 08</p><p>CHAPTER 3</p><p>Several hundred representatives were there to discuss a problem of</p><p>great economic importance, and each one had the right to have his say.</p><p>That experience of a single day was enough to supply me with food</p><p>for thought during several weeks afterwards.</p><p>The intellectual level of the debate was quite low. Sometimes the</p><p>debaters didn't make themselves intelligible at all. Several of those present</p><p>didn't speak German, but only their Slav vernaculars or dialects. Thus I</p><p>had the opportunity of hearing with my own ears what I had previously</p><p>known only by reading the newspapers. A turbulent mass of people, all</p><p>gesticulating and screaming at one another, with a pathetic old man shaking</p><p>his bell and making frantic efforts to call the House to order by friendly</p><p>appeals, exhortations, and grave wamings.4</p><p>I had to laugh.</p><p>I paid a second visit several weeks later. It was an entirely different</p><p>picture-almost unrecognizable. The hall was nearly empty. They were</p><p>sleeping in the other rooms below. Only a few deputies were in their places,</p><p>yawning in each other's faces. One was ' speaking. ' A deputy speaker was</p><p>in the chair. He looked around with obvious boredom.</p><p>Then I began to reflect seriously on the whole thing. I went to the</p><p>Parliament whenever I had any time to spare, and silently but attentively</p><p>watched the spectacle. I listened to the debates, as far as they could be</p><p>understood. And I studied the more or less intelligent features of those</p><p>elected representatives of the various nationalities that composed that</p><p>motley state. Gradually I formed my own ideas about what I saw.</p><p>A year of such quiet observation was sufficient to transform or</p><p>completely eliminate my former convictions regarding the character of this</p><p>institution. I no longer opposed merely the perverted form that the principle</p><p>of parliamentary representation had assumed in Austria; no. It became</p><p>impossible for me to accept the system in itself. Up to that time, I had</p><p>believed that the disastrous deficiencies of the Austrian Parliament were</p><p>due to the lack of a German majority. But now I recognized that the very</p><p>essence and form of the institution itself was wrong.</p><p>A number of questions arose in my mind.</p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Naofumi, post: 47486, member: 39"] magine any other form of government. In light of my attitude towards the House of Habsburg, I would then have thought it a crime against liberty and reason to consider any kind of dictatorship as a possible form of government. I had a certain admiration for the British Parliament, and this contributed to the formation of my opinion. This feeling came almost unconsciously, much of it while reading the newspapers when I was young. I couldn't discard that admiration in an instant. The dignified way in which the British House of Commons fulfilled its function impressed me greatly, thanks largely to the glowing terms used by the Austrian press. Could there could be any nobler form of government than self-government by the people? But these considerations furnished the very basis of my hostility to the Austrian Parliament. The way it was represented here seemed unworthy of its great example. The following thoughts also influenced my attitude: The fate of the Germans in the Austrian State depended on their position in the Reichsrat. Prior to the introduction of universal suffrage by secret ballot, the Germans had a majority in the Reichsrat-though not a very substantial one. This was a cause for concern because the Social Democratic faction of the German majority was unreliable regarding national questions. In matters of critical concern to the Germans, the Social Democrats always took an anti-German stand because they were afraid of losing support among the other national groups. Even before universal suffrage, the Social-Democratic Party could no longer be considered a German Party. Universal suffrage put an end even to the purely numerical dominance of the German element. The way was now clear for the further de-Germanization of the state. My nationalist instinct of self-preservation made it impossible for me to welcome a system in which the German element was not really represented as such, but always betrayed by the Social-Democratic faction. Yet all these defects, and many others, could not be attributed to the parliamentary system as such, but rather to the Austrian State in particular. I still believed that if the German majority could be restored in the representative body, there would be no occasion to oppose such a system as long as the old Austrian State continued to exist. Such was my general attitude at the time when I first entered those sacred and contentious halls. For me, they were sacred only because of the radiant beauty of that majestic building. A Greek wonder on German soil. But I soon became enraged by the hideous spectacle that met my eyes! 1 08 CHAPTER 3 Several hundred representatives were there to discuss a problem of great economic importance, and each one had the right to have his say. That experience of a single day was enough to supply me with food for thought during several weeks afterwards. The intellectual level of the debate was quite low. Sometimes the debaters didn't make themselves intelligible at all. Several of those present didn't speak German, but only their Slav vernaculars or dialects. Thus I had the opportunity of hearing with my own ears what I had previously known only by reading the newspapers. A turbulent mass of people, all gesticulating and screaming at one another, with a pathetic old man shaking his bell and making frantic efforts to call the House to order by friendly appeals, exhortations, and grave wamings.4 I had to laugh. I paid a second visit several weeks later. It was an entirely different picture-almost unrecognizable. The hall was nearly empty. They were sleeping in the other rooms below. Only a few deputies were in their places, yawning in each other's faces. One was ' speaking. ' A deputy speaker was in the chair. He looked around with obvious boredom. Then I began to reflect seriously on the whole thing. I went to the Parliament whenever I had any time to spare, and silently but attentively watched the spectacle. I listened to the debates, as far as they could be understood. And I studied the more or less intelligent features of those elected representatives of the various nationalities that composed that motley state. Gradually I formed my own ideas about what I saw. A year of such quiet observation was sufficient to transform or completely eliminate my former convictions regarding the character of this institution. I no longer opposed merely the perverted form that the principle of parliamentary representation had assumed in Austria; no. It became impossible for me to accept the system in itself. Up to that time, I had believed that the disastrous deficiencies of the Austrian Parliament were due to the lack of a German majority. But now I recognized that the very essence and form of the institution itself was wrong. A number of questions arose in my mind. [/QUOTE]
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The aryan man is superior culturally, they are the founders of civilization Sieg Heil
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